Volume 14, no. 1:
Moonlight on Endymion: In Search of Arcadian Opera, 1688–1721
A paradigm of the earliest operatic endeavors of the Arcadian Academy, the myth of Endymion and Diana, inspired librettos by Christina of Sweden and Alessandro Guidi, Francesco de Lemene, and Pietro Metastasio. All of these efforts emerged as reactions to the Baroque, yet their dramaturgical and intellectual underpinnings appear to stand in such contrast to each other that the very notion of Arcadian opera demands critical revision, at least with respect to its initial stage. The aforementioned librettos are juxtaposed with contemporary tracts by Gian Vincenzo Gravina and Giovanni Antonio Mezzabarba, concluding that Arcadia indeed adopted polymorphic traits at first, but that most conflicts dissolved within the towering oeuvre of Pietro Metastasio.
1.1 On 5 October 1690, fourteen intellectuals gathered in a garden near San Pietro in Montorio, Rome, to establish a society with which they hoped to return Italian culture to its Renaissance glory. This Accademia degli Arcadi (or dellArcadia), as their brainchild was baptized, would gradually mutate from a local club into a pan-Italian institution counting dozens of colonies and well over two thousand members.1 Regardless of whether Arcadias first custode generale, Giovan Mario Crescimbeni, envisaged such a wholesale approach from the very beginning, it proved helpful in overcoming the provincialism—the lack of unity and centralization—endemic to Italian academicism.2 For although Italy had long been replete with learned societies, and this without the need of support (or interference) from the church or universities, the peninsulas political-geographic instability had so far prevented it from creating a competitor to hegemonic mastodons like the Académie française. With the arrival of Arcadia, matters changed dramatically.
1.2 The new academy sought to reinstate the egalitarian, pacifist communities exemplified in Renaissance pastorals such as Sannazaros LArcadia (1504). Thus, in order to allow maximum freedom of speech, the members disassociated themselves from their real-life identities by assuming bucolic pseudonyms, meeting in open spaces, and establishing bylaws. Not that anyone disputed the societys central mission: to cultivate the study of the sciences and to resuscitate good taste in the humanities, most of all in Vernacular Poetry.3 What the Pastori longed for, in particular, was a clarified poetic language that avoided barocchismi and aspired towards the grandeur of antiquity.4 In the opinion of several Pastori, however, the whole Arcadian utopia resulted in little more than pastoral chit-chat, little sonnets and songs, nearly always devoted to the elaboration of the grand affairs of love.5
1.3 To be sure, Arcadia failed to enter history as an expression of higher learning, as some of its representatives had wished. Still, that did not prevent it from proposing bold alternatives to the so-called Bacchanalian excesses of the Seicento.6 Its representations of love offer a case in point. For rather than channeling amorous desire through sensualist or satirical strategies, as had become standard in Baroque poetics, Arcadian sonnets, operas, and paintings staged lovers as faint-hearted beings for whom eroticism constituted a threat, rather than a welcome sensation. Its archetypes were the weak-kneed shepherds and nymphs from Guarinis Il pastor fido, the lovesick deities from Ovids Metamorphoses, or any other timid lover (amant timide), as Gabriel Maugain termed them:
1.4 One story became paradigmatic of Arcadias timidity: the myth of Diana and Endymion. This century-old tale relates how the virgin goddess Diana is punished for contesting Cupids presence in her chaste realm. Struck by one of Cupids darts, Diana herself becomes infatuated with the handsome shepherd Endymion and is forced either to forsake her principles, or to banish her love interest. A different solution is found: Endymion is immortalized through perennial sleep, which enables the goddess to contemplate his beauty eternally and in all secrecy.
1.5 The frequency with which the Pastori returned to the Endymion topos is astonishing, to say the least. In 1688, two years before the Academys actual foundation, Queen Christina of Sweden and Alessandro Guidi joined in the creation of an Endimione that never reached the operatic stage, but was issued in print together with a well-known Discorso by Arcadian co-founder Gian Vincenzo Gravina. In 1692 Francesco de Lemene published a similarly titled favola per musica that succeeded precisely where Christina and Guidis failed, enjoying success as a musical drama. Nine years later, though, Lemenes Endimione sparked a cabal at Turin that was recorded by a local Arcadian, Giovanni Antonio Mezzabarba, in an informative tract dedicated to Pietro Antonio Bernardoni, the procustode of Arcadias Modenese chapter. Either in 1698 (Modena) or 1706 (Vienna), Bernardoni revised Lemenes libretto for Giovanni Bononcini, who graced it with some of the eras most captivating music. The story continues through the pen of another Bononcini, Giovannis brother Antonio Maria, who in 1721 provided a new setting of Lemenes drama for the Neapolitan Teatro San Bartolomeo. Only two weeks later, Naples witnessed the emergence of Arcadias most enduring contribution to the Endymion legacy in the form of a serenata by Gravinas heir, Pietro Metastasio.8
1.6 But all topical and institutional similarities aside, the aforementioned librettos differ sharply in dramaturgical and philosophical terms. Whereas Guidis fable carries the hermetic program of a torchbearer of Catholicism, emphasizing the Neoplatonic dimension of a shepherds love for a goddess (or god), Lemenes opera hinges on visual spectacle and wit, while Metastasios serenata steers a more worldy, enlightened course. From a generic point of view, furthermore, the narrative metamorphosed from an erudite closet drama into a tragicomedy, only to become a miniature opera. Such bewildering contrasts invite overall reassessment of the notion of Arcadian opera, at least as regards its earliest phase.9 Let us begin by taking a glance at Endymions pre-Arcadian legacy.
2.1 By the end of the seventeenth century, the myth could reflect upon a rich past comprising two millennia and a broad range of variants.10 One thread of the legend, reported in Apollodoruss Library, teaches us that Endymion was the first King of Elis, a polis in the northwest of the Peloponnese. When the moon goddess Selene fell in love with him, Zeus made Endymion immortal so that she might contemplate his beauty forever.11 The story was soon transferred eastwards, from Elis to Caria in Asia Minor, as well as to Arcadia, a barren, mountainous land in the Peloponnese that since Polybius had come to be regarded as a paradise inhabited by virtuous, artistic shepherds.12 Selene in turn came to be identified with Artemis, the protectress of virginity whom the Arcadians worshipped in zealous fashion.
2.2 The ancient Romans, too, perceived their goddesses of the moon and hunting, Luna and Diana (or Cynthia), as equivalents, yet at the same time believed that Endymion had been a shepherd who had slept during the day in order to hunt in the moonlight. Pliny the Elder built upon this rationalist explanation to advance the idea that Endymion had been an astrologer who stayed awake at night to study the phases of the moon.13 Latin poets, on the other hand, uncovered the erotic dimensions of the story, for instance pointing to the fact that Endymion was naked when he enraptured Phoebuss sister [Diana] and slept with the goddess, who was also naked.14
2.3 Early modernity rediscovered the Endymion tale from material artefacts, such as Roman murals and sarcophagus reliefs, as well as from the Phaido, Platos illustrious dialogue on the nature of death. In it, Plato had deployed the emblem of Endymions sleep to argue for the immortality of the soul. Renaissance court poets capitalized on this analogy when eulogizing their immortal patrons. Thus, in his tragedy Endimion, the Man in the Moone (London, 1591), John Lyly had a boy actor evoke the unearthly, everlasting beauty of Queen Elizabeth:
2.4 Most seventeenth-century librettists, by contrast, erased Dianas spiritual persona in favor of more playfulness and satire, conveyed through concetti culled from myth, pastoral, and commedia dellarte. In Giovanni Faustinis La Calisto (Venice, 1651), for example, the love plot between Endymion and Diana shares the stage with the erotic affairs of Jupiter and Callisto, the jealousy of Juno, the roguish interventions of satyrs, and the sorrows of an old nymph, Linfea.16 Almerico Passarellis Endimione (Ferrara, 1655) has the story unfold against the backdrop of the Spartan court, where Queen Diana is surrounded by courtiers (Crisi, Arante, Alda, Lidio, and Eurillo) and personifications of her own passions (Gelosia, Furore, and Amorini). And in the anonymous set of intermedi Gli amori della Luna con Endimione (Bologna, 1681), Bacchus summons the shepherds to set up orgies and bacchanals with rustic display, while Endymion does his best to ward off Lunas improper advances in vain, for he is tricked into her arms as liquor is spilt on his face and he falls asleep.17 At the end of the jolly spectacle, the Olympic deities leer over Dianas love-play, cannily remarking that she who nourishes a lascivious flame in her bosom wants to be the goddess of decency.18
3.1 Ironically, it was Diana onto whom Christina of Sweden (1626–89) projected her legendary unwillingness to marry. Already during her Swedish reign (1632–54), Queen Christina danced the lead in the ballet Diane victorieuse, ou Le vaincu de Diane (Stockholm, 1649), a transparent allegory of her resistance to love.19 On entering Rome, in 1656, she had a medallion minted displaying her as Diana taming four lions, that is, the four cardinal passions (distress, fear, lust, and delight) of stoic philosophy (see Figure 1).20 Christinas interest in the Endymion episode—not exactly the most explicit confirmation of chastity—can be traced back to her first Roman residence, the Palazzo Farnese, the ceiling of which was adorned by a sumptuous fresco cycle by Annibale Carracci, The Loves of the Gods (1597–1604). Among the various groupings of mythical characters, one quadro represented Diana in fond embrace with Endymion. Its sensual imagery may have inspired the former Queen to commission a semi-musical tragedy, Les amours de Diane et dEndimion (1657), from her French secretary, Gabriel Gilbert.21 Curiously, the play concludes on a tragic note: with Endymions assassination by Apollo, Dianas jealous brother. The odd departure from tradition has been explained as an allusion to the fate of Christinas cicisbeo, Marquis Gian Rinaldo Monaldeschi, whom she had executed for betraying her political ambitions (the seizure of the Neapolitan crown) to Oliver Cromwell.22
3.2 In 1688, Christinas mythological alter ego had another, if less tragic, rendezvous with Endymion in a three-act libretto by her last poet-in-residence, Alessandro Guidi (1650–1712). In the flowery preface to the published version of this Endimione (1692), Guidi spared no words in pointing out who exactly had selected the subject:
3.3 Unhappily, the illness and death of Guidis lofty Queen, in 1689, prevented his favola pastorale from becoming a true opera, which accounts for the absence of a musical setting. Shortly afterwards, however, Arcadia absorbed Christinas Accademia Reale (1674–89) together with its habitués, including Guidi and Crescimbeni, while Cardinal Giovanni Francesco Albani (the future Clement XI) took over Christinas patronage of Guidi.24 On 10 June 1691, Endimione became officially part of the Arcadian canon, being recited by three Pastori at the garden of Christinas Palazzo Riario (today Corsini) to celebrate Guidis admission to the Academy as Erilo Cleoneo.25 Probably at the instigation of Crescimbeni, the favola appeared in print the following year in a five-act version enhanced with choruses and an apologetic Discorso by Gravina.26 What did the Arcadians find so intriguing about the libretto?
3.4 The plot of Endimione can be summarized as a rhetorical duel between the guiding forces of love (Cupid) and chastity (Diana). In the opening scene, Cupid stresses the fertility and sensuality of the Arcadian landscape, which Diana for her part perceives in an emotionally inward way:
3.5 Diana begs her enemy to carry his bow and torch to royal palaces, that is, to the world of tragedy, yet Cupid prefers to stay in her realm so that he can enrapture the hearts of her subjects. In his first aria, Ne la Reggia, e dentro l bosco, he boldly crowns himself king of the universe.28 His statements provide the catalyst for Dianas defensive aria Il ruscel, che al mar sinvìa, whereby she compares her will to an unstoppable brook that strives to reach the sea, a recurrent metaphor in Arcadian poetry and in Endimione librettos in particular.29 Cupid swears to punish her vanity and foresees her downfall in an illicit relationship with a shepherd.
3.6 The male victim is introduced in the second act, venting his one desire: to avoid all things and places affected by love. Apparently Endymions heart, too, has been set ablaze by passion, for Diana, as it will turn out. The latter of course dismisses his fear and cowardice, yet as soon as the handsome shepherd has left the scene, she admits that she fled the heavenly spheres precisely to escape from loves power.30 Eager to avenge her hypocrisy, Cupid promises Endymion to assist him in the conquest of Dianas heart.
3.7 Before the latter happens, both lovers confront the dark side of passion. Endymion all of a sudden exclaims that death is more dear to him than love, while Diana depicts Cupids menace as a shadow, looming over her woods.31 As the third act draws near its close, however, Endymion throws off his pastoral garb and acquires the eloquence necessary to win over a being of higher, immortal status:
3.8 This new, lofty valor will be reflected by a series of metaphoric addresses to Diana, from the fourth act on.32 Still, Diana cannot respond to these utterances, unless she, too, undergoes a mental metamorphosis that lowers her cosmic status to that of her beloved. It is Cupid who initiates this transformation through deception:
3.9 Overcome by grief and guilt, Diana rejects her mortality and reveals her true feelings:
3.10 Although Diana has now officially become a donna mortale, the fifth and last act displays her conjunction with Endymion in heaven, where light and blessing symbolically substitute for the shadows and dark clouds of the past. To Endymion, she says:
3.11 Burdened with fear, however, Endymion conjures up ill-fated lovers from the Metamorphoses, as if gazing from his own pictorial frame towards the neighboring tableaux in Carraccis ceiling:
3.12 Diana quickly dispels Endymions last discomfort by soothing and carressing him. Then, the two join in a duet in which Endymion declares that he feels more blessed than the deities themselves.34 In fresco-like fashion, the glorified duo ascends to heaven.
3.13 In terms of action, Guidis plot is stilted on account of its limited cast (three characters with a fairly redundant chorus) and lack of visual interest. Even a sleep scene, so natural to the story, remains tantalizingly absent. According to Gravina, this purified, sublime design had sprung from the mind of the incomparable Christina.35 Crescimbeni likewise reported that the fable of Endymion had been conceived by the ex-Queen in this new manner, and that Guidi had merely versified her scenario, though with such delight of Her Majesty, that she herself wanted to add value to the work by enriching it with some of her own verses, which one sees indicated in the printing.36
3.14 The close collaboration between patron and poet has led several scholars to assume that Endimione must contain deeper allegorical levels pertaining to the personal lives of either Christina, Guidi, or both. Bruno Maier for instance suggested that Guidi (alias Endymion) composed the libretto as an expression of gratitude towards Christina (Diana), whose patronage (love) elevated his poetry to Arcadian classicism.37 Annemarie Maeger, on the other hand, held that Endimione unveils Christinas inner conflict between her public image as celibate ruler and her hidden amorous desire for a Catholic shepherd, Decio Azzolino, the cardinal who arranged her affairs, introduced her to Guidi, and became her sole heir.38
3.15 For all their biographical interest, Maiers and Maegers hypotheses cannot fully convince in the absence of contemporary evidence testifying to such allegorical intentions. It is telling, in this respect, that the Arcadians themselves did not make any associations between Endimione and the alleged love affair of their spiritual protectress. What intrigued them, instead, was the librettos dramaturgical style and its innovative, spiritual representation of amorous desire. Thus, on the very day of its premiere, 10 June 1691, Pastore Lacrito Scotaneo (Giuseppe Maria Cascina) extolled the chaste, modest, elevated, and sublime thoughts of Guidis most charming favola Boschereccia.39 In his biography of Guidi (1726), furthermore, Crescimbeni praised the poet for having reconciled pastoral simplicity with the grandness and sublimity of thoughts and style, as well as for having dealt with amorous subjects in a heroic way.40
3.16 The precise implications of these appraisals can be deduced from the rich documentary legacy of Arcadia and its immediate forerunner, the Accademia Reale. First of all, Christinas Table des sujets sur lesquels on doit traitter dans lAcademie and her maxims (Sentimens), both of which are undated, provide valuable insights into the philosophical ideas lurking behind amorous subjects in late seventeenth-century Rome.41 Of a total of fifty-seven propositions, twenty-nine in the Table des sujets deal with love in a way that holds particular relevance for Endimione. Thus the omnipotence of love, suggested by its plot and conclusion (see Figure 2), is stressed by Subject XXIII: We are made to love, it is impossible not to love (Nous sommes faits pour aimer; il est impossible de naimer pas). A sentiment confirms this idea, stating that It would be desirable for princes [i.e., rulers of both sexes] to abstain entirely from love, yet I believe it almost impossible (my emphasis) (Il seroit à souhaiter que les Princes sabstinssent entiérement de lamour, mais je le crois presque impossible).42 Whether or not Christinas encounters with Monaldeschi and Azzolino inspired her to consider amorous abstinence to be untenable, it remains telling that she at least acknowledged the ultimate vanity of chastity.
3.17 All the same, the message advanced by number XXVIII in the Table des sujets, The true object of love is God, the soul is made for loving Him and for possessing Him eternally (Le Véritable Objet de lamour est Dieu, lame est faite pour laimer, & le posséder éternellement), propels our understanding of Endimione in a different direction.43 It suggests that the pagan myth might allegorize, not so much the untenability of celibacy, but rather the unfettered religious devotion of a converted Protestant. Although such a reading may seem problematic in view of the contemporary doctrines that disconnected true religion from ancient mythology, it was not so in post-Tridentine Rome, where Neoplatonism continued to furnish the common currency.44
3.18 One of the primary scholars to further Renaissance philosophy in Rome was the German Jesuit to whose Wunderkammer Christina paid frequent visits, Athanasius Kircher (1602–80).45 In one of his books, Œdipus Aegyptiacus (1652–4), Kircher in effect explained ancient mythology in terms of a prisca theologia, a monotheistic precursor to all religions which, as had occurred with language during the construction of the Tower of Babel, had diffracted into various beliefs. The wisdom of the Aegyptians, he contended, was nothing other than this: to represent the science of Divinity and Nature under various fables and allegorical tales of animals and other natural things.46 In other words, pagan myths, too, contained the seeds of Christian religion, since not only the Prophets, Apostles, and other holy men of God, but also the Gentiles, Poets, Priests, and Prophets had been inspired by the Divine Numen of the Holy Spirit.47
3.19 Among the Arcadians, it was co-founder and enfant terrible Gian Vincenzo Gravina (1664–1718) who staunchly championed Kirchers perspective.48 In the Discorso sopra lEndimione (1692), for example, he asserted that the mythmakers of antiquity, above all Homer, had merged truth and fiction in a so-called poetic science (scienza poetica).49 By deploying a long string of [pagan] gods, these ancient wizards had not sought to deceive the superstitious crowd, as a growing number of rationalists (e.g. Bayle or Fontenelle) began to claim, but rather represented the causes and movements of nature50 through figments of the mythical imagination that did not only impart the image of truth, but also stirred up the modern readers attention, lifting his soul above himself withdrawing it from earthly matters, and liberating it from the bonds with which our corporeal nature delays our flight toward the contemplation of the pure and eternal, hence to God.51
3.20 Gravina published another tract in order to tackle the issue of pagan mythology from the Neoplatonic stance, Delle antiche favole (1696).52 In its opening paragraph, he contended that truth contained the complete knowledge of that about which a judgment is made, while untruth contained either a part or nothing of it.53 The statement may appear vapid on first reading, yet it should be noted how it overthrows the tertium non datur, the basic principle of causal logic whereby a proposition can be either true or false, but not both. The assumption that forms of knowledge might be simultaneously false and partly true defies Cartesianism, the doctrine in which Christina of Sweden and most of the Arcadians were steeped, and opens the doors to hermetic exegesis, generating a fluid continuum between pagan contrivances and Christian truths.54
3.21 Despite the fact that she was Descartess last pupil, Christina could not help but perceive myths as divine truths cloaked by allegorical veils. In a maxim, she held that wise and heroic antiquity worshipped the author of nature [God] under diverse shapes and names of deities (La sage et héroïque Antiquité adorait lauteur de la nature sous les diverses figures et noms de ses dieux).55 These shapes and names imparted theories about issues that were themselves too obscure or abstract to be comprehended as such, for instance the ideal nature of love. Vice versa, modern thinkers could formulate their views on like matters through mythological parables, such as the story of Diana and Endymion.
3.22 The kind of amorous desire that Guidis Endimione enshrines is heavily indebted to Neoplatonic thought. For Endymion and Diana learn that their amorous bond should not give way to sexual consummation, but rather to sublimation to a purely spiritual level mirroring the devotion to God. This platonic purification was referred to in countless Arcadian tracts through a plethora of terms: amore onesto, amore gentile, amore eroico, amore razionale, and so on. Gravina, for instance, defined rational love as a passion whereby the physical beauty of the lovers did not fulfill an end, but an occasion, beauty being allied to the souls, separated from the bodies, and fed by its resemblance to the common virtues.56 The latter virtues could be transferred from lover to beloved like a stream of honesty that partakes in the divine and enables amorous souls to merge peacefully in a single flame that grasps the spiritual substance.57 Lovers could escape their physical restraints and transfuse their passion so that God became, in Christinas words, the true object of love.
3.23 The Florentine humanist Marsilio Ficino may have been the first to theorize platonic love; still it was Petrarch, the prince of Tuscan lyric poets, who had turned it into a literary commonplace.58 Christina revered Petrarch to such an extent that she, according to Muratori, reopened his school and by so doing made the most enduring contribution to Arcadianism.59 Not by chance, the lions share of Arcadian poetry was made up of Petrarchan sonnets centering around the issue of platonic love. The sublime tone characteristic of these poems (and so sharply contrasting with the sensualism of previous decades) may be seen as symbolizing the effects of platonic love on behalf of the Arcadian poet. Love, Christina declared in Subject XXXI of her Table, makes the non-eloquent eloquent (Lamour rend éloquens, les gens non éloquens), and so it is Cupid who endows Endymion with the poetic inspiration necessary to conquer Dianas heart:
3.24 In brief, it seems irrelevant whether or not Guidis Endimione constituted a poets tribute to his illustrious patroness, or a queens hidden confession of her amorous escapades. After all, the fable represented the ascetic lifestyle of an entire generation to whom the Pastore epithet meant more than a playful disguise. The Arcadian league, it is generally known, was spearheaded by abati such as Crescimbeni, cardinals such as Albani, not to mention the Pastore massimo, the Pope. These clerics were sufficiently initiated in Neoplatonic doctrine to learn the truth about divine love from a mythological libretto. Those lacking such knowledge, on the other hand, must have been annoyed by the dramas maniera antica, seeking out an alternative with more action, fun, and opportunities for music.
4.1 The libretto that made up for Christina and Guidis shortcomings was Count Francesco de Lemenes (1634–1704) Endimione, a favola per musica that was first performed in Lodi in June 1692.60 Lemene and Guidi had no small number of things in common. In 1661–2, Christina of Sweden offered the former the scenario for LEliata, a libretto about a Muslims conversion to Catholicism.61 Miraculously recovered from a severe illness, Lemene in 1680 embarked upon a poetic pilgrimage leading to two celebrated collections of theological poems, Dio (1684) and Il Rosario (1691), and to an oratorio commissioned by Pietro Ottoboni, Giacobbe al fonte (1694). In 1695, hence four years after Guidi, Lemene joined Arcadia as Arezio Gateatico, to the joy of Crescimbeni and his fellows.62
4.2 Surprisingly, though, Lemenes Endimione is a far cry from Christinas and Guidis paean. Apart from being cast in the traditional three-act mold of the dramma per musica, the libretto makes numerous concessions to seventeenth-century operatic convention. Thus it features newly invented subplots involving such generic characters as a shepherd called Thyrsis (Tirsi), a nymph called Aurilla, and a jesting satyr, Sylvanus (Silvano).63 With the exception of the latter buffoon, these secondary characters get stuck in love triangles with the protagonists, Thyrsis falling in love with Aurilla, and Aurilla with Endymion (to Dianas consternation). The expanded plot allowed Lemene to concoct a respectable sixty-six scenes, sixty-two lyrical numbers, fifteen scene changes, and several interventions of machinery.
4.3 The sharpest contrasts with Guidis libretto, however, occur on the level of characterization. Lemene portrayed Diana as an ambiguous ruler who possesses little if any of the stoic graveness characteristic of Guidis goddess. Feeble-minded, she for example contrasts her soul to the twisting, fickle Meander, only to admit afterwards that her thoughts are betraying her (I, 7).64 In the second scene, she proclaims the main theme, or edict, of the opera:
As can be expected, the law will be rigorously observed by Endymion, applied to Thyrsis and Aurilla, but violated by the judge herself. In the operas final sentence, Diana cannot but pervert it into Death is the penalty for he who chases away love (Pena la vita a chi discaccia Amore).
4.4 Lemene rendered Endymion as a naive sleepyhead whose favorite (and only) pastimes are hunting and sleeping. Unlike Guidis title character, he remains unaffected by love and does not even show the slightest inclination to respond to amorous proposals. In Act III, scene 4, he remains literally mute to the echoes of Aurillas feelings:
4.5 Unfortunately for him, Endymion gets trapped in a web of misunderstandings spun around three props: a golden arrow, a dog, and a tree. The arrow is given by Diana in his sleep, subsequently stolen by Sylvanus, and then given to Aurilla, who returns it to Endymion as a token of her love. The hunter unconsciously insults Diana by declaring, so as to confirm his obedience to her law, that the love of the one who has given him the arrow—Aurilla, not Diana, he believes—is less dear to him than his dog (I, 18):
4.6 The second misunderstanding revolves around Endymions dog Dorinda, which, like Silvios Melampo in Guarinis Il pastor fido, runs away.66 In his search for the pet, Endymion describes it in an aria to Sylvanus, who mistakes it for a girl and alarms Diana.67 The Modena 1698 revival added credibility to Sylvanuss suspicion by having Endymion lament the lost animal.68 For the Viennese staging of 1706, furthermore, Giovanni Bononcini crafted the aria in question, E sempre inquieto quel core infelice, into an enchanting G-minor cantilena with a plaintive chalumeau part (see Example 1).69
4.7 The third and last imbroglio emerges from a tree trunk on which Thyrsis and Aurilla carve the names of their loves: Thyrsis carves Aurillas, Aurilla Endymions (II, 13). The discovery of both names so infuriates Diana that she punishes Aurilla by transforming her, like Daphne, into a tree (III, 14), and Thyrsis by having him tied to the Aurilla tree in order to be shot (III, 18). Luckily, Endymion and Cupid arrive in time to cancel the execution and to undo Aurillas metamorphosis (III, 21–3).
4.8 At the end of all these tribulations, Endymion is himself hit by an arrow, whereupon he promptly understands the mechanics of love.70 Without the need for an ethical tour de force, metaphoric interventions, or platonic sublimation, all misunderstandings are solved, chastity is reconciled with passion, and Endymion wedded to Diana:
In courtly fashion, Cupid elucidates the moral lesson to the ladies of Lodi:
4.9 As foretold, Lemenes Endimione would indeed appear on various luminous, harmonious scenes, enjoying revivals in Mantua, Modena, Vienna, Hamburg, and other cities.71 In addition, it would be printed in bibliophile editions bearing the Arcadian stamp. Arguably one of the main elements contributing to this success was Sylvanus, Lemenes eclectic mixture of Venetian and Lombardian buffoonery. A hero of the simple life, the satyr excels, like other operatic birdcatchers, at gluttony, greed, cowardice, and above all stupidity. Thus, in Act II, scene 7, he relates the amorous misdemeanors of his pigeon and donkey to Diana, and requests her permission to kill both animals on account of their disobedience to the anti-love edict. Too busy violating the law herself, Diana does not lend her ear to Sylvanuss great case, but instead creates an exception for Endymion, which Sylvanus hilariously misunderstands:
The stunned buffoon can only react to Dianas new decree with an aria on the happy fate of amorous donkeys, Gli asini han gran fortuna (II, 8).
4.10 Sylvanuss presence in the plot had far-reaching musico-dramatic repercussions. Giovanni Bononcini, for instance, distinguished the part from the remainder of his cast by resorting to a simplified style akin to that of intermezzi or commedie per musica.72 In his set designs for the Teatro Regio in Turin (1699), moreover, Ferdinando Galli Bibiena sketched Sylvanuss hut in unusually rustic fashion (see Figure 3).73 Interestingly, controversy arose during the latter reprise of Endimione over Sylvanuss coarse image. In a highly revealing, but overlooked, Discorso in difesa dellEndimione (Turin, 1699), the local lecturer in philosophy Giovanni Antonio Mezzabarba reported that Lemenes base style provoked fierce reactions from intellectuals. [I]n the critics opinion, he wrote, poor Sylvanus should be, to arts disgrace, ridiculous with majesty.74 According to Mezzabarba, by contrast, the poet would have contravened tradition if he had introduced Sylvanus in more elegant fashion.75 For Sylvanus was modeled after the ancient satyrs, who blended the serious with the mordant and comic.76 Moreover:
4.11 Lemenes satirical depiction of Diana, too, reaped the scorn of the Turinese intelligentsia. Even though her hypocrisy, jealousy, and anger made her the ideal operatic fury, as Bononcinis setting illustrates (see Example 2), her mundane traits prevented some spectators from recognizing her as a deity. Mezzabarba rebuffed their rigid viewpoint as follows:
By verisimilitude, he understood
4.12 Mezzabarbas notion of verisimilude signals a vital breach in Arcadian discourse, and in late seventeenth-century poetics in general, as regards the function and status of poetry. The central issue of disagreement was: should art cater to the demands of connoisseurs, or should it serve the needs of the broader classes? Put simply: what is true-seeming, and to whom? According to Gravina, only intellectuals were able to derive the truth from poetry and myth, whereas vulgar minds were misguided by their imagination.80 It was thus pointless to discard hermetic doctrines, since doing so debased the intrinsic quality of the science of poetry. Mezzabarba had a different view, as he demanded that musical drama please the average spectator by including recognizable characters such as a shepherd who perhaps lacks tragic stature,81 but at least takes the kinds of long naps opera composers needed in order to trot out the sommeil topos (see Example 3);82 a cherub who flies around (I, 1 and III, 25), sits on a plant (I, 5 and II, 18), gets trapped in birdcatchers nets (II, 21), and is locked up like a parrot (III, 8); a lovesick virago who revokes her own laws, hides behind the moon (III, 1), and descends on a cloud (III, 2–3); a disobedient nymph who is transformed into a tree (III, 14) and returned to human condition (III, 23). All of these gimmicks may have been questionable from the intellectuals point of view, yet they answered the composers and scenographers needs.
4.13 That it was the Roman Endimione that Lemenes detractors had in mind in uttering their criticism, can be inferred from the following passage in Mezzabarbas text:
4.14 Mezzabarba apologized for his hero through a genuinely Arcadian strategy: namely, by disparaging the metaphoric conceits in Christina and Guidis version. Thus he confirmed the idea that love made eloquent, yet was quick to add that love does not give way to the high-flown.84 For love, he argued,
4.15 All the same, Lemenes intrigue does contain a number of Arcadian conceits reminiscent of the Roman Endimione, more particularly in the subplot around Aurilla and Thyrsis. At the start of the action (I, 2), the two Arcadians are self-declared enemies of love, the latter promising Diana to avoid Cupid at all costs, the former pledging to combat the blind god—all in vain, for by Act I, scene 6, Thyrsis begins to feel something for Aurilla86:
4.16 Eight scenes later, Aurilla duels with Cupid in person, is struck by an arrow, and falls in love with the first male being she beholds: sleeping Endymion. Bononcini translated the pathological effects of her burning passion into the kind of recherché harmonies for which his chamber cantatas were renowned (see Example 4). Aurillas love for Endymion then turns into painful jealousy when she finds out that Diana is her rival in love (II, 4). After a second duel with Cupid, however, she grasps loves virtues, accepts Cupids friendship, and joins in a recitative with the archer (II, 18):
Thyrsis, too, understands the nature of love, acquiring the courage to reveal his passion for Aurilla in more elevated language. When standing up against Dianas tyranny, however, he becomes a martyr.
4.17 Lemene thus blended operatic tradition with Arcadian moralism, relying on scenic marvels in order to propel the action, while at the same time exploring dimensions of love that were chaster than was usual for the dramma per musica. His portrayals of Diana and Endymion may have stood miles apart from the sublimated renderings of Guidi and Christina, not to mention his servo faceto, Sylvanus, whose presence would have appeared unthinkable to the former Pastori, still his Thyrsis and Aurilla resembled the timid lovers of Roman Arcadianism, whose language (and even music) they thoroughly rehearse. This balance between the Baroque and Arcadianism would prove successful in the short term, that is, between 1692 and 1729, when Lemenes libretto saw various stagings, yet in the longer term, the scale and requirements of his favola would prove less viable. Vulnerable to the heroic-historicist course of opera seria, pastoral frivolities and mythological plots were increasingly expelled to smaller-scale, occasional genres. In fact, after a last appearance at Bologna, in 1729, Lemenes Endimione disappeared from the stage.
5.1 The Endimione that fully eclipsed Lemenes was that of Artino Corasio, alias Pietro Metastasio Trapassi. Commissioned in 1720 by Marianna, Countess Althann, a lady-in-waiting to Empress Elisabeth Christina, the two-part serenata was premiered at Naples on 30 May 1721 to celebrate the marriage of Althanns brother Antonio Pignatelli with Anna Francesco Pinelli di Sangro.88 Its cast fused the traditional core cast of Cupid, Diana, and Endymion with Lemenes Aurilla, here rebaptized Nysa (Nice).89 The latter nymph experiences a non so che for Endymion straight from the beginning. Quite naturally, she is chastised by her sovereign, though less severely than Aurilla:
5.2 As in Guidis version, Cupid (love) and Diana (chastity) confront each other in direct fashion. Disguised as a shepherd called Alceste,91 the former asks Diana to join her company of hunters but remains unwilling to respect her law of virginity. When the two contenders begin to discuss the pros and cons of love, their discussion gives way to bellicose language:
5.3 Given that Diana remains, at least for the moment, untouched by love, it is Cupid, not the goddess, who sings the obligatory aria di paragone on the river.92 Here the song is enhanced with a nightingale episode and molded into a joyful plea for liberty:
5.4 Metastasios Endymion somehow resembles Lemenes ignorant youngster in that he, too, is equipped with knowledge of how to catch animals, but not the slightest notion of love. In his first aria, Dimmi, che vaga sei, for instance, he bids Nysa not to mention the word love.93 In contrast to Lemenes blockhead, however, he leaves his door ajar and assures Nysa that he might eventually forsake hunting in favor of love, if only to please her:
5.5 After the nymphs exit, Endymion invites the waters of the Lethe to wash his face so that he can rest for a while.94 Diana beholds him in his sleep and instantly feels a pleasure which at once delights and pains me (piacer che diletta, ed è tormento). Roused from his dream by her presence, Endymion equally perceives something unknown. When Diana lets him speak for himself, he turns into a Cherubino, armed with a seductive song:
5.6 Unlike Lemenes character, Metastasios Endymion does appear to possess the savoir-faire with which to interact with female creatures. And in clear contrast to Guidis version, it is the hunter himself, not Cupid, who is responsible for making Diana fall in love through words and music; it is Non so dir that initiates Dianas transformation from chaste divinity into mortal lover. As in Guidis version, however, her metamorphosis entails a discursive shift, though not from pastoral simplicity to metaphoric extravagance, but rather from the stately to the infantile. The innamorata does in effect appropriate the diminutives and imagery of Cupids Quel ruscelletto:
5.7 Endymions shy, timid utterances in turn become oratorical declarations of love, complete with the love-flame metaphor so dominant in Guidis libretto. In the opening scene of the second part, he flatters Diana to such extent that she establishes a legal exception for him:
5.8 Cupid, still mocking Dianas hypocrisy, kindles her jealousy by confiding to her that Endymion is in love with Nysa. The nymph, for her part, is infected by the poison of jealousy when learning that Endymion is Cupids rival in love for Diana. Unaware of all the scheming, Endymion further dashes Nysas hopes for a relationship, while Diana reprimands Nysa. Cupid deceives both ladies in one stroke, bringing the infausta novella that Endymion lies wounded near Sylvanuss (!) cave:
5.9 Struck by sadness and pain, Diana promptly throws off her immortal status, after the example of Guidis goddess:
Of course, Endymion returns alive and well, inspiring Diana to revoke her law. Now that the power of love has been established, Cupid addresses the newlywed Neapolitans as the greatest ornaments of his victories.
5.10 Metastasios serenade can certainly be dismissed as (in Jacques Jolys words) a style exercise in the topoi of the genre, that is, of pastoral poetry.95 Even so, his fusion of the moral and textual purity of Guidis and Christinas parable with the musico-dramatic functionality of Lemenes farce bridges a wide gap between the intellectual gravity of the former example and the popular tone of the latter. With Metastasio, in fact, a new phase is reached in Arcadias history. Here we encounter a poetic worldview whereby moral edification hinges on mellifluous finesse, rather than on Neoplatonic sophistry, and whereby sensory delight pairs with cognitive enlightenment. The myth is furthermore transposed into the realm of humanity, no longer involving celestial tableaux or scenic miracles, but rather unfolding in the woods of Caria, a context reproducable against virtually any backdrop, celestial or terrestrial, or no backdrop at all. The deities, finally, are stripped of their supernatural attributes, Cupid taking on the garb of a pastorello, instead of a flying cherub, Diana that of a passionate but tolerant queen, rather than of an unattainable sovereign, and Nysa that of the archetypal Metastasian nymph, always blushing and sighing, but not transforming into a tree.96 Endymion himself may reflect Metastasios galant self as Arcadian abate, whose courtly modus vivendi sets an implicit example to noblemen and ladies. And so it would do, for Metastasios occasional piece would hold the stage for the remainder of the eighteenth century.
In their search for antidotes to the satire and licentiousness of the Baroque, the Arcadians deployed pastoral tales to explore chaster types of love. The kaleidoscopic image propagated by this quest for purity has increasingly perplexed modern scholars.97 As our juxtaposition of the three Endimione librettos demonstrates, Arcadianism did hold univocal aspirations in the field of opera, namely, to cleanse poetry of superfluities and immorality, yet at the same time it could not but produce heterogeneous results that coexisted in the best case, and clashed in the worst. Christina and Guidi countered the ironical view of Dianas emblematic status with a sophisticated play bathing in hermeticism. Their drama was read by a large group of connoisseurs, but not performed with music. Lemene opted for a delicate equilibrum between operatic stock convention and ethical depth, composing an amusing fairy tale that found favor among the less knowledgeable spectators, but displeased the highbrow. Metastasio learned from both examples, inventing a dramaturgical style that met the demands of savants and non-savants alike. Although his version triumphed, it should not obscure the fact that Arcadian opera needed three decades of experimenting in order to overcome its growing pains.
* Bruno Forment (email@example.com) obtained the doctorate in musicology from Ghent University with a dissertation entitled La terra, il cielo e linferno. The Representation and Reception of Greco-Roman Mythology in opera seria. At the time of completing this article, he was visiting the University of Southern California as a fellow of the Belgian American Educational Foundation and the Fulbright-Hays program. He would like to express his gratitude to Bruce Alan Brown, Francis Maes, Stefano Fogelberg Rota, and others who have commented on the various drafts of this text.
1 Details in Michele Maylender, Storia delle accademie dItalia 5 vols. (Bologna: Cappella, 1926–1930), 1:232–81; Amedeo Quondam, Listituzione arcadia: sociologia e ideologia di unaccademia, Quaderni storici 23 (1973): 389–438; Maria Teresa Acquaro Graziosi, LArcadia: trecento anni di storia (Rome: Palombi, 1991).
2 The term is Walter Binnis, in Caratteri e fasi della letteratura italiana nel Settecento, Storia della letteratura italiana, ed. Emilio Cecchi and Natalino Sapegno 9 vols. (Milan: Garzanti, 1965–1969), 6:309–460, 312.
3 Giovan Mario Crescimbeni, Storia dellAccademia degli Arcadi instituita in Roma lanno 1690 (Rome, 1712), quoted from Ayana Okeeva Smith, Opera in Arcadia: Rome, Florence and Venice in the Primo Settecento (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 2001), 22 n. 35: Per maggiormente coltivare lo studio delle scienze, e risvegliare in buona parte dItalia il buon gusto nelle lettere umane, ed in particolare nella Poesia Volgare.
4 The perception of Arcadianism as a reaction against barocchism stems from Benedetto Croces epochal essay LArcadia e la poesia del Settecento, La letteratura italiana del Settecento, 8th ed. (Bari: Laterza, 1971), 2:225–34. Although it was deftly countered in Carlo Calcaterra, Il barocco in Arcadia e altri scritti sul Settecento (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1950), 1–34, it has continued to be rehearsed in, for example, Vernon Minor, The Death of the Baroque and the Rhetoric of Good Taste (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
5 Gian Vincenzo Gravina, Scritti critici teoretici, ed. Amedeo Quondam (Rome: Laterza, 1973), 472: Laltra cagione di questa segregazione [split of Arcadia in 1711] è stata che cercando molti ridurre quella ragunanza dalle cicalate pastorali e dai sonettini e canzoncine a qualche più solida e più profittevole applicazione; and Lodovico Antonio Muratori, I primi disegni della repubblica letteraria dItalia (1703), Opere tutte tanto edite che inedite 13 vols. (Arezzo: Belletti, 1767–1773), 8:2: Argomenti per lo più assai leggieri, perchè quasi sempre destinati a trattar de grandi affari damore.
6 I refer to Wendy Heller, Emblems of Eloquence: Opera and Womens Voices in Seventeenth-Century Venice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 298.
7 Gabriel Maugain, Étude sur lévolution intellectuelle de lItalie de 1657 à 1750 environ (Paris: Hachette, 1909), 320.
8 Not mentioned in this essay are three further musical dramas of Arcadian descent: Alessandro Scarlattis serenata Endimione e Cintia (Rome, 1705), not to be confused with his Diana ed Endimione (Rome, ca.1679–1685); Leonardo Leos Diana amante (Naples, 1717); and Francesco Gasparinis Loracolo del fato (Barcelona, 1709). Bibliographic details can be retrieved from the entry Endymion in my database Greco-Roman Mythology in Opera, 1690–1800: a Survey; http://www.brunoforment.be/mythopera.
9 Essential studies on the phenomenon include Nathaniel Burt, Opera in Arcadia, Musical Quarterly 41, no. 2 (1955): 145–70; Walter Binni, LArcadia e il Metastasio (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1963); Robert S. Freeman, Opera Without Drama: Currents of Change in Italian Opera, 1675–1725 (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981); Ellen T. Harris, Handel and the Pastoral Tradition (London: Oxford University Press, 1980), especially chapter 2; Anna Laura Bellina and Carlo Caruso, Oltre il Barocco: la fondazione dellArcadia, Zeno e Metastasio: la riforma del melodramma, Storia della letteratura italiana, ed. Enrico Malato (Rome: Salerno, 1998), 6:239–312; Melania Bucciarelli, Italian Opera and European Theatre, 1680–1720: Plots, Performers, Dramaturgies (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 1–31; Smith, Opera in Arcadia.
10 They are summed up in Wilhelm Heinrich Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie (Hildesheim: Olms, 1965), 1:1246–8; and Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed. Georg Wissowa, rev. ed. (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1905), 5:2558–9. Overviews of artistic applications are given in Andor Pigler, Barockthemen: Eine Auswahl von Verzeichnissen zur Ikonographie des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts, 2nd ed. (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1974), 2:160–5; and Jane Davidson Reid and Chris Rohmann, The Oxford Guide to Classical Mythology in the Arts 1300–1990s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 1:373–82.
11 Apollodorus, The Library, trans. James George Frazer (1921); http://www.theoi.com/Text/Apollodorus1.html (accessed 5 February 2007), I.9.5: Calyce and Aethlius had a son Endymion who led Aeolians from Thessaly and founded Elis. But some say that he was a son of Zeus. As he was of surpassing beauty, the Moon fell in love with him, and Zeus allowed him to choose what he would, and he chose to sleep for ever, remaining deathless and ageless. Endymions relationship with Selene either resulted in an impressive progeny, or simply never existed, according to Pausanias, Description of Greece, trans. W. H. S. Jones and H. A. Ormerod (1918); http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=paus.+1+1+1 (accessed 5 February 2007), V.1.3–4: The Moon, they say, fell in love with this Endymion and bore him fifty daughters. Others with greater probability say that Endymion took a wife Asterodia.
12 See Polybius, The Histories, trans. Evelyn Shirley Shuckburgh (1889); http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0234&query=head%3D%23297 (accessed 5 February 2007), IV.20.1 (The Arcadian nation on the whole has a very high reputation for virtue among the Greeks, due not only to their humane and hospitable character and usages, but especially to their piety to the gods) and IV.20.8 (It is a well-known fact, familiar to all, that it is hardly known except in Arcadia, that in the first place the boys from their earliest childhood are trained to sing in measure the hymns and paeans in which by traditional usage they celebrated the heroes and gods of each particular place).
13 See Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, trans. John Bostock and Henry Thomas Riley (1855); http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Plin.+Nat.+toc (accessed 5 February 2007), II.43. His theory was rehearsed in Vincenzo Cartari, Le imagini de i dei de gli antichi (Venice: Ziletti, 1571), 126 (Plinio scrive, che Endimione fu il primo, che intendesse la natura della Luna, e che perciò fu finto, che fossero innamorati insieme.), and alluded to in various Baroque poems, most notably Canto X of Marinos Adone (1623), the third act of Parisanis libretto Diana schernita (Rome, 1629), and the first act of Giovanni Faustinis La Calisto (Venice, 1651).
14 Sextus Propertius, Elegi (15 B.C.); http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/prop2.html#15 (accessed 5 February 2007), II.15, ll. 15–6: Nudus et Endymion Phœbi cepisse sororem / dicitur et nuæ concubuisse deæ.
15 John Lyly, Endimion, The Man in the Moone. Playd before the Queenes Maiestie at Greenewich on Candlemas Day at Night, by the Chyldren of Paules (London, 1591), Act I, scene 1. The same, encomiastic tone prevails in various court spectacles on the subject, such as Pios Gli amori di Diana e di Endimione (Parma, 1628) and Pariatis Loracolo del fato (Vienna, 1709 and 1719); in the latter, for instance, Fate declares that the beauty of Emperor Charles VI and Elisabeth Christina surpasses that of Diana and Endymion.
16 The juxtaposition of the Callisto and Endymion tales with the nymphomaniac Linfea would be rehearsed in the anonymous libretto to Benedetto Marcellos Calisto in orsa (Venice, ?1725).
17 Anonymous, Gli amori della Luna con Endimione (Bologna, 1681), Prologo: Sù venite ò Pastori / Con pompe rusticali / Celebrate pur lOrgie, e i Baccanali.
18 Chi nutre nel sen fiamma lasciva / Vuole dellhonestade esser la Diva.
19 This ballet was composed by Hélie Poirier (French version) and Georg Stiernhielm (Swedish version, as Then fångne Cupido).
20 The medallions motto, nec sinit esse feros, is derived from Ovids Letters from Pontus, II.9.47–8: Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros [A faithful study of the liberal arts humanizes the character and does not permit it to be turbulent]. It was explained in Johan Arckenholtzs Mémoires concernant Christina reine de Suède, pour servir déclaircissement à lhistoire de son règne et principalement de sa vie privée, et aux événemens de lhistoire de son tems civile et litéraire, 4 vols. (Amsterdam: Mortier, 1751–60), I:518, as follows: NEC SINIT ESSE FEROS, que de Meiern [Johann Gottfried von Meyern, antiquarian, 1683–1745] explique en faveur de la Reine, comme sétant vaincuë elle-même & aïant remporté en résignant la Couronne, la plus grande victoire sur les quatre passions les plus fortes.
21 Gilberts letter of dedication to Cardinal Mazarin points out that Les Amours de Diane et dEndimion was composed en Italie par le commandement dune personne Auguste pour qui V.E. a beaucoup de respect. This august person could only have been Christina, whom Mazarin invited to Fontainebleau in 1656. It was only in 1658, however, that she first heard Gilberts tragedy performed by the Hôtel de Bourgogne troupe.
22 In 1669, the Dutch playwright Daniel Lindelbach translated Gilberts play as De liefde van Diana en Endimion, noting in the preface that the fictitious love of Diana and Endymion covered a sense that alluded to crowned personages known in our [seventeenth] century (de verdichte liefde van Diana en Endimion, een zin bedekt, welke op gekroonde Personagien, in onze eeuwe bekent, slaat). In 1681, Charpentier composed new incidental music and songs for Les amours; see Charles Whitfield, Une tragédie-pastorale de Gabriel Gilbert et Marc-Antoine Charpentier, Les Amours de Diane et dEndimion (1681), Littératures classiques 21 (1994): 125–37.
23 All passages from Endimione are cited from Alessandro Guidi, LEndimione di Erilo Cleoneo Pastore Arcade con un discorso di Bione Crateo (Rome: Komarek, 1692). For a modern edition, see Alessandro Guidi, Poesie approvate, ed. Bruno Maier (Ravenna: Longo, 1981), 95–155. The beautiful injuries symbolize Dianas amorous affliction by Cupids arrows, while the sad woods of Caria should be understood as a metaphor for the garden of Christinas Palazzo Riario, where Endimione was premiered shortly after Christinas demise (see below).
24 In the preface to Endimione, Guidi addressed his new patron as the new hope for literary life in Rome:
25 See Giovan Mario Crescimbeni, Poesie dAlessandro Guidi non più raccolte con la sua vita novamente scritta (Verona: Tumermani, 1726), xviii–xix: La prima comparsa in questa Accademia [Arcadia] volle egli [Guidi] farla col suo Endimione, il quale non avendo avuto fortuna desser publicato in tempo della Regina di Svezia, egli prima di darlo alle stampe, ottenne desporlo al giudizio di Roma nel luogo delle Ragunanze degli Arcadi, che allora era appunto il giardino del Palazzo abitato già della stessa Regina. Se ne fece il recitamento da tre de principali Pastori, ad ognuno de quali fu assegnata una parte, e vi concorse numerosissima, e sceltissima udienza, la quale restò grandemente maravigliata della nuova maniera adoperata dal Guidi in sì fatta spezie di Poesia. Documentary evidence for this performance can be found in Barbara Tellini Santonis Inventario dei manoscritti (1–41) dellAccademia letteraria italiana Arcadia (Rome: La Meridiana, 1991), 13 (nos. 129–31).
26 Crescimbeni, Poesie, xix: Questa favola [Endimione] nel suo nascimento fu composta di tre atti; e tale anche fu recitata in Arcadia, come si vede nel suo Archivio [at the Biblioteca Angelica] dove se ne conserva una copia [ms. 1, fols. 204r–235v] sottoscritta dallo stesso Autore; ma poi essendo cessata la ragione, per la quale distacossi il Guidi dalla divisione di cinque atti, la quale fu, perchè la Regina aveva intenzione di farla rappresentare collornamento della Musica, al qualeffetto volle, che vi fossero inserite anche delle arie musicali; egli si mise a riformarla alla maniera antica, dandole divisione di cinque atti, con la giunta dal Coro in fine di ciascheduno. Crescimbeni must have welcomed the adaptation, for he himself would advocate five-act pastorals with choruses in his Comentarii alla suo istoria della volgar poesia, 2nd ed. (Venice: Basseggio, 1730–1), 288 and 296.
27 A similar conflict is played out in the opening scene of Apostolo Zenos Il Narciso (Anspach, 1697):
Ne la Reggia, e dentro l bosco
On the sea metaphor, see my article Dall effeminato al virtuoso: modelli didentità di genere nel Telemaco (1718) di Alessandro Scarlatti, Rivista italiana di musicologia 40, nos. 1–2 (2008): 85–111.
32 In one such address, he exclaims:
33 Bruno Maier (Guidi, Poesie approvate, 34) has read this passage as a tribute to Tassos Aminta, more particularly to the episode in which the nymph Silvia is tricked into love when learning about Amintas death.
35 Guidi, LEndimione, 67–8: La presente favola dellEndimione, sublimo disegno nato nella mente della Incomparabil CRISTINA & espresso con vive, e rare maniere da un industre fabbro.
36 Giovan Mario Crescimbeni, Istoria della volgar poesia, 3rd ed. (Venice: Basseggio, 1730–1), 2: 512: Ordinò vestire di poesia la favola dEndimione da lei in nuovo modo ideata, il che egli feci con tal compiacimento di S[ua]. M[aestà]., che ella medesima volle aggiugner pregio allOpera con arricchirla di alcuna suoi versi, come veggonsi contrassegnati nellimpressione. Christinas contribution, seventy-three lines in all, were marked in early editions through italics or virgole.
37 Guidi, Poesie approvate, 33.
38 Poesie approvate, 7–12. The hard evidence regarding Christinas feelings for Azzolino is restricted to a few love letters dating back to the 1660s and published in Christine de Suède et le cardinal Azzolino: Lettres inédites (1666–1668), ed. Carl Bildt (Paris: Plon, 1899).
39 Tellini Santoni, Inventario, 13 (no. 132): Lacrito Scotaneo ad Erilo Cleoneo avendo sentito la sua leggiadrissima favola Boschereccia deglAmori di Endimione, e Diana cantata con versi, e sentim[en].ti quanto quasti, e pudichi, altrettanto alti, e sublimi.
40 Crescimbeni, Poesie, xix: Egli fu il primo, che tentasse daccordare con la semplicità pastorale la grandezza, e la sublimità de sentimenti, e dello stile, e trattasse fra Pastori eroicamente materie damore.
41 The Table is reproduced in full in Arckenholtz, Mémoires concernant Christina, 4:33–5; the Sentimens are in Christina of Sweden, Apologies, ed. Jean-François de Raymond (Paris: Cerf, 1994).
42 Arckenholtz, Mémoires concernant Christina, 4: Appendix, 39 (no. 4:31).
43 A variation on this phrase can be found in her maxims; see Mémoires concernant Christina, 4: Appendix, 26 (2:82): LAmour et lambition doivent avoir Dieu pour objet: ce nest quen lui seul quelles peuvent trouver de quoi se satisfaire abondamment & dignement.
44 This issue is discussed in extenso in Bruno Forment, La terra, il cielo e linferno. The Representation and Reception of Greco-Roman Mythology in opera seria (Ph.D. diss., Ghent University, 2007); https://archive.ugent.be/handle/1854/8232, 7–50.
45 Susanna Åkerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and her Circle. The Transformation of a Seventeenth-Century Philosophical Libertine (Leiden: Brill), 260.
46 Quoted from Jocelyn Godwin, Athanasius Kircher. A Renaissance Man and the Quest for Lost Knowledge (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), 56.
47 Godwin, Athanasius Kircher, 19.
48 In 1696, Gravina disputed the authorship of the Leges Arcadum with Crescimbeni. Their row would be a run-up to the schism of 1711, on which Gravina left the Academy to found an Arcadia Nuova (or anti-Arcadia), the future Accademia dei Quirini (1714). According to Vernon Lee (Violet Piaget), Gravina was constitutionally in contradiction with his times, and his conceit and obstinacy rendered him doubly contradictory. (Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy [London: Satchell, 1880], 148.) On Gravinas discontent, see also Francesca Santovetti, Arcadia a Roma Anno Domini 1690: accademia e vizi di forma, Modern Language Notes 112, no. 1 (1997): 21–37.
49 Guidi, LEndimione, 57: Chi guarderà fisso dentro la tessitura di quegli ordigni, osserverà, che il vero stà dentro le favole, e troverà, che alle volte le istorie di veri nomi tessono false cose, e finti fatti; e allincontro le favole per lo più sotto finti colori, e falsi nomi delineano eventi veri, e naturali affezioni, & esprimono i veri genj de Principi, de Magistrati, e dogni persona.
50 Gravina, Scritti critici, 210: Fu propagata una larga schiera di numi, sotto limmagini de quali furono anche espresse le cagioni e i moti intrinseci della natura.
51 Guidi, LEndimione, 53: E tali invenzioni non solo ne Poemi sono lodevoli; ma altresì necessarie, per la novità, e maraviglia, che generano, con la quale eccitando lattenzione, e traendo lanimo dalle terrene cose, lo sollevano sopra se stesso, sicche si rende più libero, e spedito da quei legami, co quali la natura corporea avvolgendoci, ritarda il nostro volo verso la contemplazione del puro, e delleterno.
52 Delle antiche favole was reissued in 1708 as the first volume of Della ragion poetica, available in modern edition in Gravina, Scritti critici, 195–258.
53 Scritti critici, 200: Il vero contiene la cognizion intera di quel che si giudica; il falso ne contiene o parte o nulla.
54 The implications of the tertium non datur for causal versus hermetic rationale are analyzed in Umberto Eco, I limiti dell interpretazione (Milan: Bompiani, 1990).
55 Also worth mentioning here is the following statement from Benedetto Menzini, member of the Accademia Reale: Le plus beau sujet qui puisse tenter un poète, ce sont les louanges de la cause première. Quon chante donc des hymnes à Cérès, à Pomone, à Bacchus, au bienfaisant Apollon, qui font sortir les semences cachées dans le sein de la terre. Ne voit-on pas, sous leurs noms, on célèbre Dieu lui-même? (quoted, with added emphasis, from Maugain, Étude sur lévolution intellectuelle, 396).
56 Gravina, Scritti critici, 191: Servendosi della bellezza altrui non per fine, ma per occasione dellamore, alimentato poi dalla somiglianza delle comuni virtù, colle quali separatamente dai corpi, restano legati gli animi.
57 Scritti critici, 191–2: Piacevolmente ardenti in una sola fiamma, che appigliatasi alla sustanza spirituale, vive colla vita degli amanti, libera affatto ed immune dai cangiamenti del corpo. Questo amore prodotto dalle communi virtù che scambievolmente dallamante nellamato si trasfondono, e che per esser rivolo dellonestà partecipa del divino.
58 Scritti critici, 191: Verrà poscia il prencipe de lirici toscani, Francesco Petrarca, poeta gentile ugualmente e sublime, il quale ha portato nella poesia un affetto novello, il quale è lamore onesto.
59 Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Della perfetta poesia italiana (1706), ed. Ada Ruschioni (1971); http://www.letteraturaitaliana.net/pdf/Volume_7/t197.pdf (accessed 1 June 2007), 43: Cristina Reina di Svezia, facendo coraggio in Roma alle Muse Italiane, fu in parte cagione, che si riaprisse la Scuola del Petrarca. On eighteenth-century Petrarchism, see Croce, La letteratura italiana, 2:240–9.
60 None of the original music, by Paolo Magni (Act I) and Giacomo Griffini (Acts II and III), has survived. A modern edition (referred to throughout this chapter) of Lemenes princeps can be found in Francesco de Lemene, Scherzi e favoli per musica, ed. Maria Grazia Accorsi (Modena: Mucchi, 1992), 103–69. The attribution of a Lodi 1693 score to Giovanni Bononcini—in Gino Roncaglia, L. A. Muratori, la musica e il maggior compositore modenese del suo tempo (Modena: Società tipografico modenese, 1933), 23; and Kurt Hüber, Die Wiener Opern Giovanni Bononcinis von 1697–1710 (Ph.D. diss., Universität Wien, 1955), 75—is simply erroneous.
61 Details are in Lemene, Scherzi e favoli, xxxiv and c–ci. Lemene was offered an additional scenario by Christina, Narciso (not to be confused with his Narciso of 1676), of which only indications of the scenario remain.
62 Two Arcadian biographies of Lemene were published shortly after his death: Tommaso Cevas Memorie dalcune virtù del signor conte Francesco de Lemene con alcune riflessioni su le sue poesie (Milan: Bellagatta, 1706) and Muratoris Vita di Francesco de Lemene lodigiano, detto Arezio Gateate, Le vite degli Arcadi Illustri, ed. Giovan Mario Crescimbeni (Rome: de Rossi, 1708–14). Sonnets of Lemene were included in the Rime degli Arcadi of 1717.
63 A Tirsi also appears in Lemenes Il Narciso (Lodi, 1676), La ninfa Apollo (Rome, 1689), and the Dialogo pastorale (Lodi, undated); an Aurilla is in the Dialogo.
65 Maria Grazia Accorsi hits the nail on the head when noting, in Lemene, Scherzi e favoli, lix, that Il vero semplice è Endimione che arriva fino alla fine senza aver capito nulla, sorpreso, ubbidiente e smarrito, il cui atteggiamento si riassume nella formula tipicamente seicentesca—ben prima che metastasiana—argutamente trascrittrice della condizione di dormiente di Endimione, del sogno o son desto?.
66 Scherzi e favoli, liii.
67 In Act II, scene 15, Sylvanus quotes Endymions description to Diana:
68 II, 10:
69 Questions remain as to the author behind the Modenese revision. According to Lowell Lindgren, A Bibliographic Scrutiny of Dramatic Works Set by Giovanni and His Brother Antonio Maria Bononcini (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1972), 109, it was Arcadian co-founder Silvio Stampiglia, yet in Lemene, Scherzi e favole, cvii n. 4, Accorsi argued that it was Pietro Antonio Bernardoni who revised the text. On the basis of an observation in Hüber, Die Wiener Opern, 75, namely that Bononcinis Viennese Endimione is auf Grund seiner melodisch und harmonisch einfacheren Struktur, im Vergleich zu den benachbarten Opern dieser Zeit, einer früheren Schaffensperiode zuzuordnen, Anthony Ford furthermore stated, in Music and Drama in the Operas of Giovanni Bononcini, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 101 (1974–5): 107–20, 107 n. 3, that the Modena 1698 score was conceivably by Bononcini, while Lindgren remarked, in A Bibliographic Scrutiny, 110, that the archaic characteristics emphasized by Hüber may instead reflect the pastoral rather than heroic character of Endimiones text. Whatever the solution to this puzzle, Bononcinis Viennese version must have been (re)orchestrated with the chalumeaux of the Viennese Hofkapelle in mind. A manuscript copy of E sempre inquieto lacking the chalumeau part is preserved in a collection entitled Anderer Theil derer Cantaten und Arietten, preserved in B-Bc 15155, pp. 119–21).
71 Details in Forment, Greco-Roman Mythology in Opera.
72 See Hüber, Die Wiener Opern, 24.
73 In the absence of any evidence whatsoever, the music to this revival has been traditionally ascribed to Giovanni Bononcini; see Mercedes Viale Ferrero, Storia del Teatro Regio di Torino: la scenografia dalle origini al 1936 (Turin: Cassa di Risparmio, 1980), 3:72 n. 282; and Marie-Thérèse Bouquet, Storia del Teatro Regio di Torino: cronologie (Turin: Cassa di Risparmio, 1988), 5:35.
74 Mezzabarba, Discorso in difesa dellEndimione (Turin: Zappata, 1699), 24: Resta solo il povero Silvano, che, per avviso de Critici, dovrebbe essere, ad onta dellarte, ridicolo con maestà.
75 Discorso, 25–6: Averebbe il Poeta mancato contro il costume, se più gentilmente avesse introdotto Silvano.
76 Discorso, 78: Silvano quì sintroduce, come un Satiro degli antichi, che deve mischiare il serioso col mordace, e giocoso .
77 Discorso, 24.
78 Discorso, 20–1.
79 Discorso, 52–3.
80 Gravina, Scritti critici, 208: Nelle menti volgari, che sono quasi dogni parte involte tra le caligini della fantasia, è chiusa lentrata agli eccitamenti del vero e delle cognizioni universali.
81 In this respect, Mezzabarba, Discorso, 23, argued that Endimione si trattiene sul Monte, non in Palazzo; abita le spelonche, non passeggia il Teatro; calza il socco [i.e. recites comedies], non il coturno [i.e. does not recite tragedies].
82 See Discorso, 73 (Il Poeta facendo dormire Endimone alcune scene [in Lemenes original libretto, Endymion is asleep from Act I, scene 8 to Act I, scene 15, and from Act III, scene 1 to Act III, scene 3] (e questa è la grande accusa) non si è punto scostato dalla favola, odIstoria) and 77 (Non hà [Lemene] alterata la favola, lhà modificata, temperando il sonno dEndimione. The precise borderline between altering and modifying a legend remains unclear to me).
83 Discorso, 9–10. According to Maria Grazia Accorsi (Lemene, Scherzi e favole, xxiii), Lemene himself took only notice of Guidis Endimione in 1693.
84 Discorso, 21: Amore fà eloquente sì, ma non dà luogo allenfatico.
85 Discorso, 22.
87 Diana rehearses this motif when falling in love with Endymion (I, 10):
88 A modern edition is available in Pietro Metastasio, Tutte le opere, ed. Bruno Brunelli (Milan: Mondadori, 1943–54), 2:65–88; the letter of dedication can be found there, in 3:34–6. Domenico Sarros (?) original score is presumed lost. For a comprehensive list of settings, see Forment, Greco-Roman Mythology in Opera.
89 In a letter to Algarotti, dated 1 August 1751, Metastasio recalled a meeting at Guidis house where he got personally acquainted with the old poet.
90 English translations cited, with minor emendations, from the libretto to Nicolò Sabatinis setting: LEndimione. Serenata. Del Signore lAbbate Pietro Metastasio Romano (Dublin: Sleater, 1758).
91 Alceste appears to have been a typical name for disguised characters, examples including the Thessalian princess Oronta in Zenos Glinganni felici (Venice, 1696) and the title character in Metastasios Demetrio (Vienna, 1731).
Deh vieni, amico sonno,
95 Jacques Joly, Les fêtes théâtrales de Métastase à la cour de Vienne (1731–67) (Clermont Ferrand: Presses de lUniversité II, 1978), 63.
96 Metastasio would reintroduce Nice in his Viennese cantatas La libertà (A Nice) (1733), La Danza (1744), Palinodia a Nice (1746), La ritrosia disarmata (1759), and Lape (1760).
97 For example Smith, Opera in Arcadia, 59, who has observed that a number of Arcadian librettos contain the very elements despised by the Arcadians.
Example 1. Bononcini, Endimione: Endimione E sempre inquieto
Example 2. Bononcini, Endimione: Diana Ma tanta ingiuria
Example 3. Bononcini, Endimione: Endimione Sonno placido gradito
Example 4. Bononcini, Endimione: Aurilla Ahi nel cor
Figure 1. Christina of Sweden taming the lions (Rome, 1656).
Figure 2. Giuseppe dellAcqua, final scene of Guidis Endimione
Figure 3. Bibiena, Bosco con Capanna di Silvano
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